It also explained the sacred and inaleinable rights of man. It represented the whole social body.
Jul 12, After the representatives "undertook the reform of the Church", the Civil Constitution of the Clergy was passed. This legislation resulted in a loss of power for the Church - their lands were sold, clergy was paid by the state and swore oaths of loyalty to the new Constitution.
Jun 21, Two years after the royal family was placed under house arrest in the Tuileries Palace, they finally escaped. They managed to reach the town of Varennes, nearly reaching their destination of Austria, but were captured.
The failure of the escape plan was ultimately due to the king's inability to commit to a plan, and the queen's wish for the entire family to remain together. Following this, their popularity declined further, and the Jacobin party voiced its wish to end the monarchy in France.
Assessment and teaching
Sep 2, The massacres started on September 2, They lasted five days. They consited of attacks on several prisons around paris. Approximately 1, prisoners died in these attacks. It was half of thge prison population. The non-aristocratic members of the Third Estate now represented 98 percent of the people but could still be outvoted by the other two bodies.
In the lead-up to the May 5 meeting, the Third Estate began to mobilize support for equal representation and the abolishment of the noble veto—in other words, they wanted voting by head and not by status. While all of the orders shared a common desire for fiscal and judicial reform as well as a more representative form of government, the nobles in particular were loath to give up the privileges they enjoyed under the traditional system.
By the time the Estates-General convened at Versailles, the highly public debate over its voting process had erupted into hostility between the three orders, eclipsing the original purpose of the meeting and the authority of the man who had convened it.
On June 17, with talks over procedure stalled, the Third Estate met alone and formally adopted the title of National Assembly; three days later, they met in a nearby indoor tennis court and took the so-called Tennis Court Oath serment du jeu de paume , vowing not to disperse until constitutional reform had been achieved.
Within a week, most of the clerical deputies and 47 liberal nobles had joined them, and on June 27 Louis XVI grudgingly absorbed all three orders into the new assembly.
On June 12, as the National Assembly known as the National Constituent Assembly during its work on a constitution continued to meet at Versailles, fear and violence consumed the capital. Though enthusiastic about the recent breakdown of royal power, Parisians grew panicked as rumors of an impending military coup began to circulate. A popular insurgency culminated on July 14 when rioters stormed the Bastille fortress in an attempt to secure gunpowder and weapons; many consider this event, now commemorated in France as a national holiday, as the start of the French Revolution.
The wave of revolutionary fervor and widespread hysteria quickly swept the countryside. Revolting against years of exploitation, peasants looted and burned the homes of tax collectors, landlords and the seigniorial elite.
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Drafting a formal constitution proved much more of a challenge for the National Constituent Assembly, which had the added burden of functioning as a legislature during harsh economic times. For instance, who would be responsible for electing delegates?
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Would the clergy owe allegiance to the Roman Catholic Church or the French government? Perhaps most importantly, how much authority would the king, his public image further weakened after a failed attempt to flee the country in June , retain? Title: Commemorating the dead in revolutionary France : revolution and remembrance, — Publisher: Cambridge University Press. Citation: Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, , Cambridge social and cultural histories ; ISBN: ; ; Abstract: From the fall of the Bastille in to the coming of Napoleon ten years later, the commemoration of the dead was a recurring theme during the French Revolution.
Based on extensive research across a wide range of sources, this book is the first comprehensive study of the cultural politics of commemoration in Revolutionary France. It examines what remembrance meant to the people who staged and attended ceremonies, raised monuments, listened to speeches and purchased souvenirs in memory of the Revolution's dead.